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FEMINISM FLOUNDERS

Backlash

In the early 1980s the initial agenda of the women's movement was carried over from the 1970s, but there was renewed opposition to that agenda, not only from traditionalist men but from antifeminist women, an opposition more influential as the decade progressed. The two triumphs of the women's liberation movement in the 1970s were the 1973 Supreme Court decision in Roe v. Wade, protecting a woman's right to choose abortion, and the congressional approval of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) in 1972. Both these victories came under heated attack in the resurgent political and social conservatism of the Reagan era. A decisive sign of the power of the backlash against the women's movement was the defeat of the ERA in 1982.

The Defeat of the ERA

The ERA, which stated, "Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex," needed the approval of two-thirds of the states before it could become an amendment to the Constitution. The deadline for ratification was June 1982. Its supporters argued there were many forms of discrimination against women, which could be stopped only by an explicit Constitutional guarantee of women's equality. In 1980 and 1981 there were many reasons to expect that the ERA would be ratified. Public-opinion polls showed that the majority of women and men favored the measure, and by 1977 thirty-five states of the thirty-eight required for its ratification had already given their approval. Yet in the late 1970s the ERA campaign had lost momentum, and partly because a determined opposition had arisen. Facing a rapidly approaching deadline, the National Organization for Women (NOW) and other women's rights groups lobbied aggressively for the passage of the ERA. Declaring a state of emergency, NOW stated that "The ERA is the last best hope in this century of committing this country to the principle of human equality—regardless of sex." Opponents of the amendment argued that women were already protected by statute and that adding a federal guarantee for equality of rights "regardless of sex" would create numerous undesirable consequences. For one thing, they argued, the ERA would give far too much power to the federal government; for another it would further to serve blur gender roles already challenged by the feminist movement. In the end, despite the intense efforts of advocates and its broad public support, the ERA failed to gain approval in the three more legislatures necessary for final ratification.

Reaction to Defeat

What did the defeat of the ERA mean? Pundits and opinion makers, politicians, and the clergy tackled the question with enthusiasm. Because the ERA had been of such paramount importance to feminists, some saw its defeat as the end of the women's movement. Opponents such as Phyllis Schlafly argued that women's rights activists did not represent the majority opinion in the nation, that they were out of touch with the concerns and values of most women in their everyday lives. Advocates of the ERA maintained they were foiled by special interests, especially businesses that believed passage of the amendment would threaten their economic interests. In any case, the failure of the ERA was a profound blow to feminists' morale. Nevertheless, ERA advocates such as Gloria Steinem urged their colleagues not to despair. After all, she noted, "It took a Civil War plus nearly a century to get racial equality into the Constitution."

The Rise of the Antiabortion Movement

At the same time, the other great feminist advance of the 1970s, freedom of choice, came under fire from a growing antiabortion movement, often called the "pro-life" movement by those sympathetic to its aims. Members of this group believed that human life began at conception and argued that abortion was a deliberate taking of that life, not to be condoned under any circumstances. Indeed, most simply referred to abortion as "murder." Antiabortionists were predominantly conservative Catholics and Protestant fundamentalists. Politically, they were frequently Republicans and were viewed by the Republican Party as an increasingly important constituency. Most of them strongly advocated a constitutional ban on all abortions, a proposed amendment known as the Human Life Amendment (HLA). Two of the movement's prominent spokespersons were Phyllis Schlafly, leader of the anti-feminist Eagle Forum, and Rev. Jerry Falwell, head of the Moral Majority. Many Catholic clergymen also reasserted the Catholic Church's long-standing opposition to abortion. Moreover, the antiabortion movement included numerous smaller grassroots organizations. Throughout the decade opponents of abortion waged a fervent campaign to convert public opinion to their position, and the ensuing public debate gained wide attention in the media. In 1985 an antiabortion documentary, The Silent Scream, provoked much controversy and apparently brought some converts into the antiabortion camp.

Antiabortion Activism

The more radical members of the antiabortion movement increasingly chose to picket and sometimes block the entrances to clinics where abortions were performed. In many cases such demonstrators tried to dissuade medical personnel or patients from entering the clinics. The language of the antiabortion campaign grew more and more strident, more fervent in calling for direct action, A 1984 book was called Ninety-Nine Ways to Close the Abortion Clinics. One antiabortion group called itself the "Army of God." In this increasingly militant atmosphere, clinics around the country were invaded by demonstrators; some were even burned and bombed. In 1983 alone reported incidents of violence or harassment at abortion clinics totaled 123. These extremist tactics were denounced by many in the antiabortion movement. Nevertheless, such incidents continued through the decade.

Defending Reproductive Rights

Women's rights advocates believed the 1973 Supreme Court decision was a landmark ruling, one that saved the lives of many pregnant women who, before Roe v. Wade, might have resorted to unsterile, backroom abortions. These activists, often referred to as the "pro-choice" movement, believed the right to a safe, legal abortion should be protected vigilantly and that the critical decision whether or not to abort a pregnancy should be a private decision, one to be made by the woman in consultation with her doctor, her family, and her conscience. Seeing this fundamental right increasingly challenged by the antiabortion movement, whose basic position was publicly supported by President Reagan and later President Bush, pro-choice activists hurried to defend their position. Polls supported their belief that their stand on a woman's right to choose abortion represented the majority opinion in the United States. Yet as early as 1976 they had encountered opposition when the Hyde Amendment denied Medicaid benefits to pay for abortions, and state and local ordinances that aimed to restrict access to abortion followed. To counter the increasingly vocal and mobilized opposition, pro-choice advocates, like their opponents, courted the media and supported public officials in agreement with their position. They also staged marches and public demonstrations. The largest such rally was held in 1989, when more than six hundred thousand abortion rights supporters marched in Washington, D.C., in what was billed as the largest single march in Washington's history.

Definitions and Redefinitions

The defeat of the ERA, the rising influence of antiabortion groups, and a growing criticism of feminism in general convinced some observers that the women's movement was on the decline in the 1980s. Indeed, some veteran feminists began to engage in soul-searching and reevaluation. Some, such as Sylvia Ann Hewlett in her A Lesser Life: The Myth of Womens Liberation in America (1986), denounced feminism outright. Others claimed that the women's movement had become too radical, that it needed to move toward a more centrist position. In The Second Stage (1981) Betty Friedan, the "founding mother" of the women's liberation movement, declared that the movement needed to achieve a better balance between the goals of feminism and the traditional concerns of women. Many women, inspired and mobilized by Friedan's groundbreaking book The Feminine Mystique (1963), felt betrayed.

Renewed Traditionalism

Even as some feminists experienced self-doubts, other women called for a renewed traditionalism. These women, like the tireless antifeminist Phyllis Schlafly, celebrated homemaking and child rearing and urged a renewed focus on family life. They argued that the women's movement had confused and misled women by urging them to deny their natural identities. It had also, they maintained, created terrible disruptions in American society, contributing to the rising divorce rate and the multiplying troubles plaguing the nation's young. This theme of a return to more-traditional sex roles became prominent in political speeches, sermons, television programs, and women's magazines. Across the country working women were reportedly yearning for more time at home, more time with their children and spouses. With some success, conservatives portrayed feminists as being insensitive to mainstream values, extremists who were advancing false notions of gender equality and the right to abortion. Nevertheless, at the end of the decade feminists could point to some singular facts. Polls showed that large majorities of Americans still supported the principles of equal rights for women and of a woman's right to choose abortion. At the same time, most women believed that the women's movement had significantly improved their lives.

Women in the Workforce

Despite calls for women to return to traditional roles, the number of working women rose dramatically in the 1980s. Many worked out of necessity; more and more were single mothers supporting their children on their own. As Cynthia Taeuber reported, "Among women with infants, nearly two million, or over one-half of all new mothers were in the labor force in 1988 compared with less than one-third in 1976." This increase in working mothers put a strain on already inadequate child-care facilities. Cuts in federal funding for child care in the early 1980s profoundly affected the availability of safe child care for lower-income workers. As baby boomers began to have children of their own, the demand for child-care increased still further. By 1988 politicians had recognized this new concern among their constituents, as polls showed that most Americans favored the investment of their tax money to create viable child-care options for working parents.