ETHNOLOGY

Today the term "ethnology" refers to cultural anthropology, the comparative and analytical study of cultures. However, the term in nineteenth-century parlance was much more comprehensive. A branch of the natural sciences, ethnology dealt with the division of humans into races as well as their origin, distribution, relations, and characteristics.

Ethnology, or the "natural history of man" as it was called, was in its formative stage during the ante-bellum period. Its roots were in Europe with the work of the German physiologist Johann Friedrich Blumenbach (1752–1840), who divided humans anatomically into five main races. Nineteenth-century American ethnologists approached their subjects in one of two ways: one approach focused on cultural aspects, particularly language, traditions, and material culture; and the other addressed the biological disparities in humans, principally bone structure, size, and skin color. The respective findings had differing implications for understanding the origin and relationship of the races. The first group, the "environmentalists," attributed racial differences to climatic and other environmental forces. The other camp concluded that the races were so physically different that they could not possibly have originated as biblically described and therefore each race must have had a separate origin.

Politically, some ethnological findings provided "scientific" justification for slavery, particularly as new states were entering the Union and their status as a slave or free state needed to be defined, and for the treatment of some Native American tribes—their removal, subjugation, and decimation. However, the ethnological implications went beyond these debates to questions of whether the human species was divided into superior and inferior races and whether the account of creation in Genesis was accurate.

This new science of race found an interested American public and became part of the antebellum cultural climate. Ideas derived from ethnological studies—racial theories, Native American tales, excavation reports, missionary descriptions, travel narratives—found an eager audience. They were disseminated in newspapers, magazines, reviews, lectures, governmental reports, and works of fiction and poetry. For many literary writers, the scientific findings and dialogues emerging from ethnology became the creative impetus for popular and canonical works.

CULTURAL APPROACHES TO ETHNOLOGY

Disease, relocation, and extermination of Native Americans created a sense of urgency in many antebellum Americans to record tribes' rapidly disappearing cultures. Albert Gallatin (1761–1849), a statesman and diplomat, began collecting tribal vocabularies in the 1820s and, once retired, devoted himself full-time to philology. In 1826 Gallatin created the first tribal language map and became the first to designate language groups by a comparative method. A Synopsis of the Indian Tribes . . . in North America (1836) established him as America's leading ethnologist. His classification of North American Indian languages is the basis on which all later classifications of these languages rely. A product of the Enlightenment and a proponent of the environmental approach, he believed that if Native Americans moved to a more agrarian life, they would advance to a civilized station. Meetings of the New-York Historical Society, of which he was president, served as a forum for papers on Native Americans, thereby encouraging an academic interest. Gallatin also formed the American Ethnological Society in 1842 and served as its president.

Another prominent ethnologist, Lewis Henry Morgan (1818–1881), an attorney by profession, began to research the organization of the Iroquois League in order to duplicate its structure for a secret organization that he had joined. In Albany, New York, he interviewed Tonawanda Seneca chiefs and later visited the Tonawanda reservation for observation in 1845. His interests began with understanding the government and institutions of the Iroquois League and then turned to linguistics, particularly kinship terminology. The fruits of his labor were a series of essays, some delivered as papers at the secret society's chapter meetings and at the New-York Historical Society and published in The American Review in 1847. Collected, these essays became the League of the Ho-de-no-saunee, or Iroquois (1851), still widely read and considered one of the best descriptions of Iroquois society and culture. His later work, Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family (1870), created analytical tools that form the basis of modern kinship studies; previously these relationships had been described inaccurately in feudalistic terms.

Henry Rowe Schoolcraft (1793–1864), who spent thirty years with Native Americans, much of it as an Indian agent, recorded the myths, language, and narratives of the Chippewa and other northern tribes, as well as collecting reports from other sources. His wife Jane, the granddaughter of a Chippewa chief, no doubt provided him access and insight into the language and culture. His six-volume Historical and Statistical Information Respecting the History, Condition and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States (1851–1857) and two-volume Algic Researches (1839) made him an authority on Native Americans at mid-century. Schoolcraft's Anglo-American ethnocentrism, however, clouded his conclusions, such that, as one scholar describes, "the very data his monumental studies provide frequently refute his conclusions" (Mitchell, p. 168). Schoolcraft assumed the cultural and intellectual superiority of the Caucasian race and the eventual subjugation and destruction of the Native American race.

This urgency to preserve Native American cultures before they transformed or completely disappeared spurred amateur collectors by the 1820s, as Lee Clark Mitchell has described. Many self-taught linguists who assembled vocabularies were frontiersmen, boundary commissioners, army personnel, missionaries, and doctors. For example, the Reverend Stephen R. Riggs compiled a series of grammars and vocabularies of northern Plains tribes, published in the 1840s. By the 1840s collectors more commonly recorded the legends and poems of tribes, such as Mary Henderson Eastman's (1880–1887) collection of Dakota Sioux myths. Local societies and museums sprouted up between 1830 and 1880, often as a last effort to preserve disappearing native materials. The underlying assumption, fueled by observation, documentation, and scientific "proof," was the decline and impending extinction of the Native American race.

RACIAL THEORIZING AND STEREOTYPING: THE AMERICAN SCHOOL

Perhaps the most infamous aspect of nineteenth-century ethnology was the "scientific" findings of the American School, which unlike other ethnological theories, posited separate creations for the races, or polygeny. Rather than looking for cultural affinities among peoples, these researchers looked for biological disparities. They built upon the German physiologist Johann Friedrich Blumenbach's cranial classification of the human species into five races: Asian, Aboriginal Indian, Caucasian, Malayan, and Ethiopian. In addition, phrenology, a pseudoscience popular in antebellum America, spread the idea that the shape of the head reflected a person's temperament and moral and intellectual aptitude. Phrenological studies interested intellectuals in the 1820s and were popularized by mid-century. For a set fee one could visit a phrenological establishment, have his or her head read, and receive a phrenological handbook. While the results of the studies were received in the spirit of fun and/or with skepticism, they did serve to proliferate the idea of inherent racial differences. In fact, the December 1850 issue of the American Whig Review described Blumenbach's five racial categories: "these have been too trivialized by our phrenological hornbooks to need repetition in this place. Who has not heard of the Caucasian, Ethiopian, Mongolian, Malayan, and American races?" (Horsman, p. 142).

The Philadelphia physician Samuel G. Morton (1799–1851) looked to bone structure for dividing and characterizing humans. Influenced by phrenological studies and Blumenbach's cranial classifications, Morton worked under the assumption that the larger the cranium, the larger the brain, and therefore the greater the intelligence. In fact, Morton includes an essay by the British phrenologist and lecturer George Combe as the appendix to his magnum opus Crania Americana; or, A Comparative View of the Skulls of Various Aboriginal Nations of North and South America (1839). In this text, which provided the groundwork for what would become the American School, Morton documents his research of four hundred Native American skulls. He measured internal capacity by filling the skulls with white pepper seed and submitted the skulls to an additional twelve measurements such as longitudinal diameter, horizontal periphery, and facial angles. The book's charts of measurements and lithograph drawings of skulls created the illusion of objectivity and provided the facts for others to use in more overtly political ways. By measuring and comparing ancient and relatively contemporary skulls, Morton concluded that types of races had not changed over the years and thus must have been created separately: "we are left to the reasonable conclusion, that each Race was adapted from the beginning to its peculiar local destination. In other words, it is assumed, that the physical characteristics which distinguish the different Races, are independent of external causes" (p. 3). Morton does not comment directly on the unity or multiplicity of the species; he leaves that for others.

While the explicit racism of Morton's ideas is striking to modern readers, the religious heresy of a separate creation for each race shocked contemporaries. Blumenbach, within the tradition of Enlightenment optimism, believed in the unity of the races of man. One creation for all races was consistent with biblical teachings and with the humanist belief of a Golden Age, a mythical era of peace and prosperity. However, Morton's research showed little difference between ancient and modern skulls. The data from Egyptian monuments, presented in his second book Crania Aegyptica (1844), suggested distinct races a short time after the commonly accepted date of the flood, calculated by Archbishop Ussher as 2348 B.C.E. This date left no time for the racial adaptation to climate argued by the environmentalists; therefore, each race must have had a separate origin. Polygenesis was the first American scientific theory to win respect in European circles, thus its name, the American School. This "scientific" refutation of biblical accuracy incited great consternation and was not universally well received in the South, although it provided scientific justification for slavery, as the historian Thomas E. Will has discussed.

Other notable proponents of the American School were Ephraim G. Squier, Louis Agassiz, George Gliddon, and Josiah C. Nott. The latter two popularized Morton's ideas in their books Types of Mankind (1854) and The Indigenous Races of the Earth (1857). George Gliddon (1809–1857), an Englishman, a former United States vice-consul to Egypt, and a supplier of skulls for Morton, was considered a leading Egyptologist. A flamboyant and popular lecturer, he was a prolific disseminator of the American School's theories, particularly the thesis of Morton's Aegyptica: the Egyptians who had built the pyramids were white-skinned and slaves were black-skinned even at that point in history. Josiah C. Nott (1804–1873), a physician from Mobile, Alabama, built upon Morton's work. For example, he credits his personal observations in medicine as "evidence" for the lecture "The Mulatto a Hybrid—Probable Extermination of the Two Races if the Whites and Blacks are Allowed to Intermarry" (1843), which was published in the reputable American Journal of the Medical Sciences. While this and other writings attempt to justify slavery, part of Nott's motivations seem to be to taunt the clergy, whom he calls "skunks" in personal correspondence. In Two Lectures, on the Natural History of the Caucasian and Negro Races (1844) he argues that the human race must have been descended from many different original pairs.

Another advocate of the American School, Ephraim G. Squier (1821–1888), began his career as a journalist. He introduces and promotes ethnology as "essentially the science of the age" in an article published in The American Review (p. 385). Squier asks,

Do we desire to discover the results which must follow from the blending of men of different races and families? Do we inquire in what consists the superiority of certain families over others; to what extent they may assimilate with, to what repel each other, and how their relations may be adjusted so as to produce the greatest attainable advantage to both? (P. 386)

He responds that America is the ideal place for this study because of its three races living in close proximity. Squier moved to Ohio to begin a newspaper and excavated and wrote about the Native American earth-works that he found in the Mississippi Valley. From tree rings, which he dated as more than eight hundred years old, Squier concluded, "we are compelled to assign them [the earthworks] no inconsiderable antiquity" (Will, p. 26). While not stated explicitly, the evidence of Native Americans in ancient times cast doubt upon the likelihood that all races originated from one pair. But because his anthropological project Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley (1848) was funded by the Smithsonian, Squier was forced to focus on his findings and reign in his speculations on multiple origins.

Louis Agassiz (1807–1873), the renowned Swiss-trained biologist who taught at Harvard, embraced the theory of polygeny. The idea of separate creations of races worked well with his own argument that animal species lived in the distinct provinces in which they had been created. He applied his theory of geographical distribution to race and set forth his argument in three articles (1850–1851) for the Unitarian Christian Examiner. The second, "The Diversity of Origin of Human Races," argues that racial distinctions existed from the very beginning—that "an intelligent Creator" adapted each race to its particular locality. Agassiz's support gave credibility and authority to the American School.

Early in the nineteenth century the prevailing racial theory postulated that environmental forces, particularly climate, caused racial differences. By mid-century, the influence of the American School was so pervasive that the April 1850 issue of the United States Democratic Review could declare, no doubt with exaggeration, "few or none now seriously adhere to the theory of the unity of the races" (Will, p. 28). It would not be until Charles Darwin's On the Origin of Species (1859) that the idea of species as always changing would end the reign of the American School.

THE SLAVERY DEBATE

Ethnology provided a justification for slavery at a time when territories were entering the Union and their status as a slave or free state needed to be defined. When Secretary of State John C. Calhoun asked Gliddon in 1844 for scientific justification for slavery, Gliddon readily supplied Morton's Crania Americana and Crania Aegyptica and several pamphlets of his own. It was just this sort of "scientific" attack upon African Americans that Frederick Douglass (1818–1895) targeted in a commencement address entitled "The Claims of the Negro, Ethnologically Considered" in 1854. He asserted that "the debates in Congress on the Nebraska Bill during the past winter, will show how slaveholders have availed themselves of this doctrine [multiple creations] in support of slaveholding. There is no doubt that the Messrs. Nott, Glidden [sic], Morton, Smith and Agassiz were duly consulted by our slavery propagating statesmen" (p. 16). Indicting the subjective nature of the American School's findings, Douglass comments,

Indeed, ninety-nine out of every hundred of the advocates of a diverse origin of the human family in this country, [who] are among those who hold it to be the privilege of the Anglo-Saxon to enslave and oppress the African—and slaveholders . . . have admitted, that the whole argument in defence of slavery, becomes utterly worthless the moment the African is proved to be equally a man with the Anglo-Saxon. The temptation, therefore, to read the negro out of the human family is exceedingly strong, and may account somewhat for the repeated attempts on the part of Southern pretenders to science, to cast a doubt over the Scriptural account of the origin of mankind. . . . Pride and selfishness, combined with mental power, never want for a theory to justify them—and when men oppress their fellow-men, the oppressor ever finds, in the character of the oppressed, a full justification for his oppression. (Pp. 14–15)

Douglass refutes the charges of the American School by first noting scriptural authority, particularly the Bible's account of the origin of humans, and then taking Morton to task, showing his "contempt for Negroes" in his argument to prove ancient Egyptians as distinct from Negroes and for claiming ancient Egyptians as Caucasian. Douglass's rebuttal uses historical physical descriptions and contemporary philo-logical sources to show "a strong affinity and a direct relationship" between Africans and Egyptians. He goes on to argue that "outward circumstance" (environmentalism) affects physical attributes, noting the similarity between poor Irish and plantation slaves: "The open, uneducated mouth—the long, gaunt arm—the badly formed foot and ankle—the shuffling gait—the retreating forehead and vacant expression—and, their petty quarrels and fights—all reminded me of the plantation, and my own cruelly abused people" (p. 30).

THE INFLUENCE OF ETHNOLOGY ON POPULAR AND CANONICAL WORKS

The American public learned about ethnology from a variety of sources: amateur studies of tribes, governmental reports, philological papers, captivity narratives, excavation reports, as well as popular lectures like Gliddon's Egyptian series. These findings, often scientific in nature, were discussed in articles in newspapers, magazines, and reviews, part of the hub and buzz of daily life. They provided for many contemporary writers subject matter and a creative impetus.

For example, James Fenimore Cooper (1789–1851) found within the Moravian missionary John Heckewelder's Account of the History, Manners, and Customs of the Indian Nations, Who Once Inhabited Pennsylvania and the Neighboring States (1819) material on which to base the characterization of the Native Americans in his Leatherstocking Tales (1823–1841). Heckewelder lived with the Delaware Indians, described them sympathetically, and "accepted their national prejudices," according to the historian and anthroplogist Paul A. W. Wallace (p. 426). One prejudice, since found unsubstantiated, was against the Iroquois, who supposedly deceived the Delaware into accepting peace and then incited their enemies to attack. Within the novels, Cooper constructs a dichotomy: the perfidious Iroquois versus the noble Delaware. Pathfinder (Leatherstocking) says, "Iroquois—devil—Mingoes—Mengwes, or furies . . . all are pretty much the same. I call all rascals Mingoes" (Wallace, p. 427). Throughout his five-book series, Cooper characterizes the Mingoes (Iroquois) as consistently malign and treacherous, whereas the Delaware Indians Chingachgook and his son Uncas are noble and sympathetic. In The Pioneers (1823), Cooper's portrayal of Old Indian John (Chingachgook) as drunk, tragic, and proud—a symbol of a people destined for extinction as white settlements moved in—reflected the overriding assumptions of the day.

While Cooper worked to represent Native Americans with fidelity, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow (1807–1882) was not so concerned with authenticity in The Song of Hiawatha (1855). Drawing from Schoolcraft's retelling of Algonquin legends in Algic Researches, he substitutes an Iroquois name for the hero Manabozho and modifies and consolidates several stories. Longfellow employs a Finnish epic's meter to suggest the tom-tom beat. The poem concludes with the hero Hiawatha canoeing westward into the setting sun after encouraging his people to welcome European missionaries. Like Cooper, Longfellow celebrates the Indian culture while romanticizing its destruction. The Song of Hiawatha was hugely successful, selling eleven thousand copies its first month and thirty thousand in its first five months. It was performed, set to music, extensively reviewed, and parodied. Longfellow's poem is perhaps the best example of the flood of romantic adaptations of Native American tales in the form of poems, novels, plays, and even operas. By mid-century, Native American legends and sentimental poems were staples of periodical literature.

Some writers, however, were consciously trying to document the state and culture of Native American tribes. In 1849 the novelist, magazine editor, and cultural critic Caroline Kirkland (1801–1864) suggested the motivation behind many of these studies:

We are continually reproached by British writers for the obtuse carelessness with which we are allowing these people [Native Americans], with so much of the heroic element in their lives, and so much of the mysterious in their origin, to go into the annihilation which seems their inevitable fate as civilization advances, without an effort to secure and record all that they are able to communicate respecting themselves. (P. viii)

Amateur ethnographers were documenting vocabularies and stories of tribes, often with great urgency. Mary Eastman's Dahcotah; or, Life and Legends of the Sioux around Fort Snelling (1849), in the preface of which Kirkland laments the loss of Native American culture, is one such example.

Henry David Thoreau (1817–1862), too, may be classified as an amateur ethnologist, as he was scouting the Concord environs for Native American arrowheads, pottery shards, and other material culture and researching Native Americans through his voluminous readings. His unpublished Indian Notebooks are twenty-eight hundred manuscript pages filled with excerpts. Seeking firsthand interaction, Thoreau traveled to northern central Maine partly to learn about the Penobscot Indians who still lived and hunted there. He described the trips undertaken in 1846, 1853, and 1857 in three travel essays, posthumously compiled as The Maine Woods (1864). These accounts reveal his increasing understanding of native peoples. In his first essay, he described the Penobscot Indians as "sinister and slouching fellows" (p. 78) and as an "ancient and primitive man" soon to be extinct (p. 79). By his third trip and essay, "The Allegash and East Branch," he was more sympathetic toward an acculturated Native American in need of formal education to protect his interests.

Some writers were also addressing and questioning the scientific categorization of the races. Nathaniel Hawthorne's (1804–1864) The Marble Faun (1860) entered into the debate regarding the separation of the races, as Michael Louis Merrill has demonstrated. Hawthorne created mystery over the racial composition of certain protagonists. After visiting a Cuvier-inspired exhibit of ethnology at the British Museum, Hawthorne wrote in the English Notebooks (1856), "I care little for the varieties of the human race, all that is really important and interesting being found in our own variety" (p. 440). However, he felt compelled to ask readers, in a conclusion after the novel's initial publication, not to spoil the merging of "the real and the fantastic" by demanding to know "how Cuvier would have classified poor Donatello" (Merrill, p. 80). While the racial composition of a faun might seem ridiculous, Kenyon, the novel's expert on race who classifies who is or is not "Anglo-Saxon," asserts that Donatello is an atavism, or racial throwback, and his race is Pelasgic (p. 82). Within the family tree charting the development of races, the Pelasgic race, according to polygenesists, eventually became the modern Caucasian race. However, Donatello's dark complexion and curly hair suggest a passing mulatto in nineteenth-century texts. Hawthorne describes the Praxiteles' fawn that Donatello strikingly resembles: "Neither man nor animal and yet no monster, but a being in whom both races meet on friendly grounds" (Merrill, p. 86). Hawthorne's use of sculpture in the novel is suggestive in that the visual arts were used in the race debates; in fact Frederick Douglass once warned, perhaps face-tiously, foreign artists to shield their "every specimen of ancient and modern arts that is chiseled or cast in black" for fear of defacement (Merrill, p. 68).

Contemporary debates on race appeared in southern antebellum literature. Defenders of slavery and the southern way of life responded to Harriet Beecher Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin; or, Life among the Lowly (1852) with more than twenty novels. As part of their defense, they incorporated existing "research" and assumptions. For example, Mary Eastman's Aunt Phillis's Cabin; or, Southern Life As It Is (1852) portrays the security and happiness of slaves on a Virginia plantation and contrasts that scene with escaped slaves exploited in low-paying jobs after being goaded into running away by abolitionists. These escaped slaves, Eastman suggests, do not have the skills and intelligence needed to take care of themselves. In characterizing the title figure, Eastman includes a passage from the popular travel writer Bayard Taylor:

Those friends of the African race, who point to Egypt as a proof of what that race has done, are wholly mistaken. The only negro features represented in Egyptian sculpture are those of the slaves and captives taken in the Ethiopian wars of the Pharaohs. The temples and pyramids throughout Nubia, as far as Abyssinia, all bear the hieroglyphics of these monarchs. There is no evidence in all the valley of the Nile that the negro race ever attained a higher degree of civilization than is at present exhibited in Congo and Ashantee. I mention this, not from any feeling hostile to that race, but simply to controvert an opinion very prevalent in some parts of the United States. (P. 103)

This assertion that the darker-skinned race was enslaved in ancient Egypt and could not be credited with a sophisticated civilization is one of many arguments that Eastman wove through her plot. The eponymous Aunt Phillis is lauded greatly for her loyalty to the Weston family; not surprisingly Eastman characterizes her as a mulatto, explaining that "the blood of the freeman and the slave mingled in her veins" (p. 103). In other antebellum novels, this mixing of blood, or miscegenation, could be explosive and sensational, as the critic Janet Gabler-Hover has examined in her study of the figure Hagar. Hagar's ethnic ambiguity allowed white writers to psychologically appropriate blackness with all its cultural baggage while the "pure blood" of their heroines is challenged or compromised.

Research on supposed inherent racial differences and the ensuing debates—as well as philological papers, excavation reports, missionary descriptions, Native American tales, and fieldwork—shaped the popular and literary depictions of the "other" in antebellum America. An understanding of this new science of ethnology, which "proved" the superiority of Caucasians, and of its influence on the culture provides a historical context for race and thereby enables readers to view antebellum texts with greater insight.

See also Abolitionist Writing; Blacks; Indians; Leatherstocking Tales; Popular Science; Proslavery Writing; Science; Slavery

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primary Works

Douglass, Frederick. "The Claims of the Negro, Ethnologically Considered: An Address Before the Literary Societies of Western Reserve College, at Commencement, July 12, 1854." Rochester, N.Y.: Lee, Mann and Company, Daily American Office, 1854. Library of Congress, Slavery to Freedom: The African-American Pamphlet Collection, 1822–1909, available at http://memory.loc.gov.

Eastman, Mary Henderson. Aunt Phillis's Cabin; or, Southern Life As It Is. Philadelphia: Lippincott, Grambo and Company, 1852. University of Virginia Digital Library, Uncle Tom's Cabin and American Culture, available at http://www.iath.virginia.edu/utc/proslav/eastmanhp.html.

Kirkland, Caroline M. Preface to Dahcotah; or, Life and legends of the Sioux around Fort Snelling, by Mary Henderson Eastman, pp. v–xi. New York: John Wiley, 1849.

Hawthorne, Nathaniel. English Notebooks. 1856. Edited by Thomas Woodson and Bill Ellis. Ohio: Ohio University Press, 1997.

Morton, Samuel George. Crania Americana; or, A Comparative View of the Skulls of Various Aboriginal Nations of North and South America. Philadelphia: J. Dobson, 1839.

Nott, Josiah C. Two Lectures on the Natural History of Caucasian and Negro Races. Mobile, Ala.: Dade and Thompson, 1844.

Squier, Ephraim G. "American Ethnology." The American Review 16 (April 1849): 385–398.

Thoreau, Henry David. The Maine Woods. 1864. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1972, 1983.

Secondary Works

Bieder, Robert E. Science Encounters the Indian, 1820–1880: The Early Years of American Ethnology. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1986.

Gabler-Hover, Janet. Dreaming Black/Writing White: The Hagar Myth in American Cultural History. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2000.

Horsman, Reginald. Race and Manifest Destiny: The Origins of American Racial Anglo-Saxonism. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1981.

Merrill, Michael Louis. "Race and Romance: Ethnology, Eugenics and the Evolution of the Nineteenth Century Novel." Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1994.

Mitchell, Lee Clark. Witnesses to a Vanishing America: The Nineteenth-Century Response. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1981.

Stanton, William. The Leopard's Spots: Scientific Attitudes toward Race in America 1815–59. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960.

Wallace, Paul A. W. "Cooper's Indians." In "James Fenimore Cooper: A Re-Appraisal," special issue, New York History 35 (1954): 423–446.

Will, Thomas E. "The American School of Ethnology: Science and Scripture in the Proslavery Argument." The Southern Historian 19 (1998): 14–34.

Kelli M. Olson