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HUNGARY

Hungary, the central third of the 300,000-kilometer Carpathian Basin, is divided by the Danube River. The western hilly region (100–600 meters above sea level) is called Transdanubia. The marshy grasslands of the Great Hungarian Plain occupy most of the eastern half. Located at a geopolitical fault line between central Europe and the Eurasian steppe, and marked by a major river as well as a topographic interface, the Carpathian Basin has been divided periodically since prehistory. The historic east-west difference may be detected even today.

From the first century A.D., the paths of Germanic migrations from the north and of Asiatic peoples from the east crossed here in the Barbaricum and, later, over the ruins of the Roman province of Pannonia, leaving overlapping archaeological imprints that made the Migration period one of the least tangible archaeological ages in the region. These peoples are stereotypically described as mobile "nomads," best known for their spectacular pieces of portable art. Germanic peoples for whom there is the best evidence in the Carpathian Basin between the first and mid-sixth centuries included Quadi, Vandals, Gepids, Skirs, Goths, and Langobards. Some arrived from the north, and others followed a detour through the eastern European steppe, from where Asiatic Sarmatians, Alans, and Huns also came. After the late sixth century, Avars, Bulgars, Hungarians, and Cumanians all moved in from Asia. By that time Slavic territory surrounded the Carpathian Basin. Details of this geopolitical picture developed in a subtle chronological sequence. Heterogeneous archaeological sources and emotionally charged historical stereotypes provide only a fuzzy picture of "barbarians," often open to alternative interpretations.

SOURCES FOR THE MIGRATION PERIOD

Migrations left an archaeological record in Hungary that ranges from scarce settlement remains to spectacular hoards. Most field information, however, originates from burials. Most coeval documents chronicled historical events and the life of elites. Our image of barbarians is secondhand, influenced by the ethnocentrism of classical Greek, Roman, Byzantine, or Arabic authors. The word "barbarian" derives from the Greek barbaros, meaning "strange" or "foreign."

Interpretations have varied as research has evolved. In conventional terms, the Migration period in Hungary lasted from A.D. 271, when Romans ceded the province of Dacia, to 895, the date of the Hungarian conquest. Archaeologically, however, its beginnings and consequences span well over a millennium. While the historical chronology of barbarian groups is relatively clear, landmark events in the written record do not necessarily mean sudden invasion or complete disappearance of peoples. Mobility depended on the motivations and composition of migrants. Because the length of time that groups stayed also varied, their material cultures are difficult to compare. It is the historical model, therefore, that usually is refined based on stylistic differences between archaeological artifacts.

Fine-grained absolute chronologies would be fundamental in the archaeology of this hectic period. Poor wood preservation in Hungary limits the use of dendrochronology. Radiocarbon dating, on the other hand, is somewhat inaccurate for later periods. "Typochronology," that is, the interpretation of culture change and ethnic relations using the relative chronology of artifact styles, thus has become the ruling paradigm in Migration period research. Weaknesses in this method are inherent to the finds: various groups are represented by different types of assemblages ill suited to direct comparison. Settlement remains tend to be few and far between, and the comprehensive analysis of cemeteries sometimes is difficult in the absence of proper physical anthropological information. Moreover, high-status grave goods may have remained in use for generations and were circulated over long distances. Antiquarians dug up spectacular hoards during the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, before the importance of stratigraphic information was recognized. No researcher can afford to ignore these unique assemblages, but interpretations often are difficult to fit into a systematic picture.

ROMAN PERIOD BARBARICUM

Even before the first-century establishment of the Roman province of Pannonia, inhabited at the time by "native" Celtic tribes, Transdanubia was linked closely to central Europe. The Danube served as a natural boundary for the Roman Empire. During the second and third centuries, the Barbaricum in the Great Hungarian Plain and areas to its north were wedged between Pannonia and the mountainous Roman province of Dacia. Having defeated the Scythians in southern Russia, Sarmatian tribes reached the Barbaricum during the first century as mercenaries for the Quadi, the first northern Germanic group to set foot in the Carpathian Basin. The Sarmatian light cavalry, covered head to toe by fish-scale-like armor, is depicted on Trajan's Column from A.D. 110–113.

Owing to their large population and prolonged presence, Sarmatians are well known from settlement excavations, beyond burials or documented movements. Rural settlements in the Barbaricum show that within a few generations they became sedentary and adopted local technical skills. Thereafter, traditional artifacts from the east indicate another Sarmatian wave. At the turn of the second century, after the Roman occupation of Dacia, Sarmatians spread across the Great Hungarian Plain. Ubiquitous Sarmatian pits dot an entire archaeological time horizon there.

Meanwhile, the Quadi moved south from their first-century territory and remained allied with Sarmatians facing the Romans across the Danube. Hectic relations between Romans and barbarians culminated in two decades of Marcomannic/Sarmatian wars, starting in the A.D. 170s. Finally, the Romans pacified the barbarians and created the province of Sarmatia. Finds show that trade contacts intensified: Roman goods of all sorts, including stamped pottery and a variety of jewelry, commonly occur at Sarmatian sites in the central Great Hungarian Plain. Large, barrel-shaped chalcedony beads may be found in Sarmatian women's graves, and enameled brooches show Celtic influence. Sarmatian pastoralists possibly bartered livestock and foodstuffs for such luxury goods. Weapons as well as settlement features reflect the advanced Sarmatian ironworking.

Vandals were the next northern Germanic group to come after the Marcomannic wars. They occupied northeastern Hungary and raided Roman provinces in the third to fourth centuries. Allied with Iranian-speaking Alans, they moved on to devastate Gaul (406–409), Iberia (409), North Africa (429), and Rome itself (455). Archaeologically, this group is known from burials in the Carpathian Basin. Celtic and Roman decorative art influenced the northern stylistic tradition of their grave goods. Artifacts from "royal" graves of the third to fourth centuries in Ostrovany (Slovakia), found in 1790 and 1865, respectively, have been linked with this group.

The consolidation of China during the third century, along with the hypothesized deterioration of steppe environments, drove Asiatic Huns westward. They crossed the Volga River during the early 370s, forcing eastern Germanic peoples (Goths and Skirs from Scandinavia, who had reached the steppe across the Baltic during the first century A.D.) into the Carpathian Basin. During their westward movement, the Goths, the strongest and most adventurous of the Germans, raided many parts of the Roman Empire throughout the third to fifth centuries. Their eastern confederacy, Ostrogoths, spent twenty years in Pannonia before forming a kingdom in Italy (493). Western Visigoths were driven into the Balkans in the late fourth century, from where they sacked Rome in 410 and established a kingdom in present-day Spain and southern France.

Skirs surfaced for only a short time in the Carpathian Basin, in alliance with the Huns. The burials of two high-ranking ladies and another woman found in Bakodpuszta were associated with this eastern Germanic tribe. Gold and silver jewelry from these graves postdates Hun rule in the area. (Skirs rose to historical fame when their king Odoaker delivered a coup de grâce to the western Roman Empire by occupying Rome in 476.)

Sarmatians fought bitterly with Germans along their eastern borders during the fourth century and even built a 1260-kilometer-long system of ditches and earthworks, possibly with Roman help, along the northeastern edge of the Great Hungarian Plain. In Pannonia stylistic evidence from potsherds suggests that starting in the 370s, Romans enlisted Hun, Alan, and Germanic foederati (mercenaries who retained their tribal organization but acknowledged Roman supremacy) in the defense of the ailing province.

EARLY MIGRATION PERIOD

In 271, the year the Romans ceded Dacia to the Goths, Gepids occupied the upper reaches of the Tisza River. Following the uneasy coexistence of German tribes and Asiatic Sarmatians, as well as Alans neighboring the Roman Empire in the Carpathian Basin, a new Hun invasion reached Hungary in the first third of the fifth century. Renewed incursions by Ostrogoths, Visigoths, Vandals, and Alans (to name but a few) into the Carpathian Basin and the Roman Empire itself were, in part, a consequence of Hunnic expansion. Between 400 and 402 Huns invaded southern Poland, forcing out Germanic tribes and thereby opening up space for subsequent Slavic settlement. During the 410s, their power center moved into the Great Hungarian Plain through the Lower Danube region. Negotiations with the Romans also provided Hun foederati access to Pannonia. By this time, haphazardly rebuilt fortifications and intramural burials bear witness to the disintegration of Roman power along the Pannonian limes.

Huns organized a tribal confederation in the Carpathian Basin, uniting peoples on the basis of Roman foederati rights, filling a geopolitical vacuum between the competing western and eastern Roman Empires. Between 441 and 452 Huns conducted military campaigns in both directions, short of invading Rome itself. After the death of their king, Attila (in 453), however, allies rose and defeated the Huns under the leadership of the Gepids in 454, ending Hun rule in the Carpathian Basin.

The Hun empire that existed for only a single generation yielded numerous artifacts, many of which are commonly associated with oriental, warlike equestrian peoples but came to light as stray finds. Grave goods include metal fittings from high saddles as well as ears of powerful reflex bows (the extreme ends serving for chord attachment, made from antler or bone), double-edged swords, and long combat knives. Gold decoration on these and numerous utilitarian objects, as well as precious metal jewelry acquired as war booty or by punitive taxing, reflect the heyday of the Hun empire. Identifying "Hun" artifacts is difficult because this empire united numerous ethnic groups whose material cultures were similar at the outset. Artifacts were mixed further by diffusion and exchange. After the collapse of the Hun empire, many former vassals formed small "kingdoms." Huns fled toward the Pontic region, from where Ostrogoths came into the Carpathian Basin following a treaty with Byzantium. Archaeologically, this development is shown by jewelry displaying the classic stylistic features of Pontic metal workshops. One technique employed violet-red almandine or garnet in combination with enamel inlay. The Ostrogoths first moved eastward from southern Pannonia in 473 and then left for Italy in 489.

Eastern Germanic Gepids left Scandinavia and regrouped with the Goths in the area of present-day Poland during the Roman period. Pliny, who first mentioned the Goths, placed them in northern Germany. The historian Jordanes in his Origin and Deeds of the Goths, however, named their homeland as Scandinavia. Linguistic evidence may suport this, although the Scandinavian origin of the Goths is still impossible to prove. Archaeological evidence points to the Goths having slowly migrated from the Oder-Vistula region to the Ukraine and Scythia. In the Carpathian Basin they established rural settlements north of Dacia in 269.

Gepids contributed a major contingent to the Hun army during the mid-fifth century, led the usurpation of power that followed Attila's death, and expanded toward the south and east: Sirmium (Mitrovica, Serbia), a Roman imperial town, became the Gepid capital. Important finds of Gepid aristocracy in Transylvania include the royal graves of Apahida and the Szilágysomlyó (S&NA;imleul Silvaniei, Romania) hoards, discovered in 1797 and 1889, respectively, and consisting of Roman memorial gold medallions as well as gold and gilded silver brooches. Gepid cemeteries from the late fifth and sixth centuries contain hundreds of graves. Because many have been robbed, however, they are of limited help in reconstructing socioeconomic differences. High-ranking warriors were buried with long and short swords as well as lances and shields. Commoners were interred with silver and bronze brooches and other clothing accessories. Eagle-headed buckles seem to have been a favorite fashion item. It is possible that Christianity also reached this population through Gothic missionaries during the fourth century. This hypothesis is supported by crucifix motifs in their decorative art. Certain settlement excavations have revealed Gepid houses and adjoining sheds and workshops, containing artifacts related to both household and craft activities. Wheel-thrown, evenly fired, fine Gepid pottery with stamped decoration represents the Celtic-Sarmatian tradition.

After a second-century incursion, the Langobards entered the Carpathian Basin from the north in about 510 and took over urbanized northern Pannonia from other Germanic peoples in 526. At the beginning, they coexisted peacefully with Gepids, who at that time controlled the Great Hungarian Plain and Transylvania. In 535, however, Langobards forged an alliance with Byzantium that allowed them access to southern Pannonia, where they faced Gepids expanding westward. Decades of military skirmishes followed. After 565 Byzantine contacts with the Gepids improved, so that Langobards turned for help to the central Asian Avars, who had just started exploring the possibilities of westward expansion into the Carpathian Basin. From 562 onward, the supreme leader (khagan) of the Avars was Bayan Khan, comparable to Attila the Hun in political stature. The Langobard-Avar alliance defeated the Gepids in 567. Part of the agreement seems to have been that Langobards had to leave Pannonia for Italy the following year.

Langobards were the last Germanic group to rule in the Carpathian Basin. Their material culture in Pannonia is known exclusively from burials. Given the history of Langobard occupation in Transdanubia, the ethnic composition of these cemeteries is complex. Men's burials contained large, double-edged swords, lances, and shields. Women were accompanied by gilded silver jewelry, including brooches decorated with northern as well as eastern stylistic elements.

THE LATE MIGRATION PERIOD

The appearance of Avars in the Carpathian Basin in the last third of the sixth century heralded a new era of centralized rule that united the Carpathian Basin for almost a quarter of a millennium. This is not to say, however, that Avars were an ethnically homogeneous population. The core groups of inner and central Asian extraction were first allied with Byzantium, whose protection they sought against Turkic groups that had forced them westward. As Langobards left for Italy in 568, the consolidation of Avar power began. Large cemeteries from the early Avar period in Transdanubia (Budakalász, Kölked A-B, Környe, and Zamárdi) suggest that the center of the emerging empire was in Pannonia. Aside from Avar finds, such as belt sets, globular earrings, and bead necklaces, grave goods reflect Germanic contacts.

The first sixty years of the Avar empire saw conflicts with Byzantium over Dalmatia and Thrace. Avars occupied the former Gepid capital of Sirmium in 582 and Singidunum (present-day Belgrade) in 584. Avars encouraged the settlement of northern Slavic allies around their empire, to buffer outside attacks. Merovingian contacts are evident from the early seventh century, with other Germanic connections. Amid confrontations and peace treaties, Avars extorted money and gold from Byzantium, whose military priority was securing its eastern border against the Persians. Although some gold solidus coins found in Hungary were trimmed around the edges, an estimated 20 metric tons of Byzantine gold may have reached the Avar empire. In 626 Avar troops laid siege to Constantinople (modernday Istanbul) in alliance with the Persian navy, although the two forces failed to unite. At that point, the Byzantine emperor Heraclius had had his fill of Avar intimidation and crushed the land offensive. Thereafter, as far as Byzantium was concerned, Avars ceased to exist as a political entity. Trying to compensate for lost revenue, Avars plundered Forum Iulii (Cividale, Lombardy) in 628, straining relations with their western, Germanic allies. Thereafter, they were confined to the Carpathian Basin. Their Slavic and Bulgar vassals also rebelled, weakening the empire from the inside.

Finds from both intact and looted high-status burials in the Great Hungarian Plain (Bócsa, Tépe, Kunágota, and Kunbábony) show that the Avar power center shifted from the right bank of the Danube toward the east during the first half of the seventh century. While the exact social status of the deceased is difficult to establish, there is little doubt that these burials represent the top of the Avar social hierarchy (fig. 1). All graves stood alone, with no permanent markers, such as burial mounds or tombstones. Accompanying burials of complete warhorses was not merely a privilege accorded to leaders; horse skeletons also occur in common warriors' graves. Thanks to the prolonged presence of Avars in the Carpathian Basin, in addition to fifty thousand known burials, there have been discoveries of several of their rural settlements, such as the 150 semi-subterranean houses identified at Kölked.

Early Avar weaponry, horse harness elements, and utilitarian objects tend to reflect oriental traditions, whereas jewelry and other high-status items in treasures (golden bowls and jugs and glassware, for example) represent a variety of artistic elements dominated by late antique and especially Byzantine influences. In comparison with early Avar cemeteries in Transdanubia, however, grave goods in large cemeteries of the Great Hungarian Plain (e.g., Tiszafüred–Majoros) show the declining impact of Mediterranean material culture. This duality in artifact styles confirms written accounts of early Avar history in the Carpathian Basin.

By the late seventh century the initial absence of jewelry and gold objects in graves may be explained by severed Byzantine contacts. In addition to a shift in the orientation of burials, grave goods also changed. These phenomena coincided with the reappearance of Byzantine stylistic features in the grave furniture. Such burials seem to mark the arrival of the Onogur-Bulgarians, a group of Turkic pastoral peoples. They had inhabited the northern Pontic region after 463, until the Khazars destroyed their empire around 670. Some fled to the Lower Danube region, and others reached the Avar empire but maintained intensive contacts with Byzantium.

Large Avar cemeteries from this time, together with evidence for sedentism in settlement materials, suggest that ethnic changes took place peacefully, presumably with the consent of the khagan. Historical sources reveal no major military events in the increasingly isolated Avar empire until the end of the eighth century. Burials suggest that equestrian lifestyles were maintained only by the ruling elites, and agriculture seems to have become a dominant occupation among commoners of mixed ethnicity. The integrity of burial rites appears to have declined, and some grave assemblages display signs of impoverishment. A marked change in grave goods is that the pressed metal fittings in men's belt sets were replaced by molded, usually bronze equivalents. Their acanthus motifs gave way to the so-called "griffin and meander" motif. This style was developed to perfection within the Carpathian Basin from evidently Eurasian/Byzantine roots. Floral elements replaced the initial animal fight motifs toward the late eighth century.

Gold objects in the so-called Nagyszentmiklós hoard (Sînnicolaur Mare, Romania), discovered in 1799, display an unusual richness of stylistic elements, dating from the seventh to eighth centuries on a typological basis. Interpretations of this twenty-three-piece "table set" have varied considerably. Researchers largely have accepted that its details reveal the complexity of Avar period mythology, religion, and possibly writing. Its details reflect Byzantine and Sassanian influences, illustrating the rich universe of what is considered late Avar culture today.

After the conquest of Lombardy (774) and the military campaign on Saxony (772–785) by the Frankish king Charlemagne, Frankish expansion from the west first hit the Avar empire in 788. Military campaigns in 791 and 795, together with vicious infighting, weakened the Avars to such an extent that an additional military thrust by Bulgar forces from the south in 804 destroyed their empire. Following these defeats, Charlemagne assigned the territory "Avaria" in 805, between Savaria (Szombathely) and Carnuntum (Deutsch-Altenburg). Of the Avar khagans Theodor was baptised in 803 and Abraham in 805. The Carpathian Basin again became divided: Bulgars took over the eastern section and raided southeastern Pannonia (826–829), dispersing the remaining Avar population. The rest of Pannonia fell into the Carolingian sphere of interest. Avar peoples in western Hungary are last mentioned in 871, as the taxpayers of the Frankish king.

During the 840s the Franks settled the Slavic chieftain Pribina in Mosaburg (Zalavár) in Pannonia. Although his position as head of a "Slavic state" there needs to be confirmed, he undoubtedly ruled an area whose Slavic population had increased in the wake of the Avar period. Pribina and his heir, Kocel, along with Bavarian settlers, may have represented Carolingian rule in the area. Archaeological finds display both Moravian and Carolingian stylistic influences. It appears that Pannonia was largely under Frankish rule between the fall of the Avar empire and the Hungarian conquest.

THE HUNGARIAN CONQUEST

In written sources Hungarians figure as yet another pastoral group from the steppe, often mistaken for Scythians, Turks, or Onugrians. The Magyars did not use the latter name, applied to both Bulgarians and Magyars (i.e., Hungarians), in reference to themselves. During the mid-sixth century eastern Turkic peoples triggered another wave of migrations that brought new peoples to the border between central Asia and Europe. Groups inhabiting the parkland steppe to the north, including the Finno-Ugric–speaking Magyars, also left their homelands for the steppe, which was economically more developed than the Ural region. There are similarities between burials of the sixth to eighth centuries in the Volga and Ural River interfluve and the tenth-century Magyar graves in Hungary. Subsequently, Magyars moved west of the Khazar Khanate north of the Caucasus, where they developed ties with Onogur-Bulgars. Around 850 the Magyars moved farther west, into the Etelköz section of the Dnieper River, seeking independence from the Khazar Khanate. It was there that artifact styles known from burials and settlements of the conquering Magyars in the Carpathian Basin seem to have consolidated.

In 862 Magyars scouted the Carpathian Basin, attacking the eastern Frankish empire. In 881 they returned to join the Moravians against the Franks and then led incursions into Transdanubia (894). Finally, with Turkic Bulgars and Pechenegs on their heels, the entire Magyar tribal alliance, lead by the grand duke Árpád, crossed the Carpathians into the Great Hungarian Plain in 895. The occupation of Pannonia in 900 reunited the Carpathian Basin. The first equestrian burial from the Magyar conquest period was found at Ladánybene–Benepuszta in 1834. The next such burial was discovered at Vereb in 1853, and others soon followed. At the time, however, tenth-century cemeteries of commoners were thought to represent slaves or local Slavs.

Magyar material culture cannot be regarded as a straight continuation of the Avar heritage, although the skull and feet of horses sometimes were included in the graves, possibly as part of the hide. Goldsmithing is well represented by gilded purse covers (e.g., Tiszabezde), some of which may have been made in Etelköz. The style, however, flourished in Hungary. A floral pattern, the so-called palmetta motif, became widespread during the conquest period. Burials also contain objects reflecting ancient beliefs. Bone stick handles carved in the shape of owls' heads were found at Hajdúdorog and Szeghalom.

The mass of precious metal acquired through vicious military campaigns, starting with Italy in 899, gave goldsmithing impetus. The next three fourths of the tenth century became known as the "period of raids." Magyar horsemen destroyed Great Moravia (902) and then turned on the rest of Europe, especially the German provinces, reaching Burgundy in 913 and Bremen in 915. In 924 Magyars simultaneously plundered Italy in the south and Saxony in the north and reached the Atlantic coast as well. It was only the desert that halted their westernmost raid toward the Caliphate of Córdoba (942), and they repeatedly threatened Byzantium (934, 943, 958, 963, and 970) in the east. Military success was related to the mobility of their cavalry compared with the ponderous armies they faced. Aside from brutality, logistical support for such farreaching campaigns would have been impossible without shrewd diplomacy: not even the most formidable cavalry could have covered such distances crossing purely enemy territory. Raids contributed to the wealth of chieftains and their military entourage. Precious metal artifacts of foreign origin, however, hardly ever occur in Magyar graves. One possibility is that they were melted down.

A devastating defeat by Germans near Augsburg ended westward aggression in 955. Magyars attacked Byzantium until their ultimate conquest in 972. By that time a network of agricultural settlements had developed in Hungary, as the elite warriors of the old order began losing prestige and economic power. These hardships started transforming a mobile Asiatic horde into an established European kingdom.

Hungary was caught between east and west even in peacetime. After 940, a group of Magyar leaders led by Bultsu was baptized in Constantinople. Constantine Porphyrogenitus (Constantine VII, 913–959) stood as godfather. The Byzantine influence among the Magyars was concentrated east of the Tisza River.

In 974, however, the grand duke Géza turned to the Holy Roman Empire and converted to western Christianity, thereby steering the development of his people into the European Middle Ages. After his death, his son István I was crowned in 1000 as the first Christian king of Hungary. The adoption of western Christianity changed material culture. The colorful eastern style disappeared, and ancient beliefs were suppressed. In return for pacification and ideological changes, Magyars survived as a political entity in the Carpathian Basin.

Hungary, however, still faced barbarian threats on the fringes of Europe for centuries. Incursions by Pechenegs and other, smaller groups continued, and "pagan" Magyars also rebelled from within against the new order. Consolidation took several generations. During the 1222–1223 campaign of the Mongol leader Genghis Khan, Turkic-speaking Cumanians moved west from the Pontic steppe, adopted Christianity in 1227, and became Hungarian subjects. Mongols attacked again in 1238, and the rest of the Cumanians fled westward from the Doniec-Dnieper interfluve. In 1239 they crossed the Carpathians. According to the 1243–1244 Carmen miserabile by the Italian chronicler Rogerius (later archbishop of Split, Croatia), "because of their great multitude, and because their people were hard and crude and knew no subordination . . . [King Béla IV of Hungary] nominated one of his own leaders to guide them into the center of his country." Cumanians were granted freedom but had to submit to the king and convert to Christianity.

When Mongols reached Hungary in 1241, Magyars thought they spotted Cumanians among the attackers and killed the khan of the new settlers. Cumanians fled southeast, raping and pillaging on their way. Around 1246 the king invited Cumanians back into Hungary. A 1279 decree defined a contiguous Cumanian homeland in the central portion of the Great Hungarian Plain. It prescribed that Cumanians take up a "Christian, sedentary" way of life. Cumanian cavalry, however, remained instrumental in the royal army until the mid-fourteenth century. Assimilation was accomplished only by the sixteenth century, when permanent settlements became common and Cumanians erected their own churches.

See also Animal Husbandry; Goths between the Baltic and Black Seas; Huns; Langobards; Ostrogoths; Scythians; Visigoths (all vol. 2, part 7).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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LÁSZLÓ BARTOSIEWICZ