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BEREAVEMENT

For older Americans, the loss of a loved one is a relatively common occurrence, yet it is often severely distressing and can have dire implications for mental and physical health. Over two million people die in the United States each year. Each of those deaths leaves behind a wake of grief that ripples through a web of surviving family members and friends. Older people are especially likely to experience such losses. Of the nearly one million people who are widowed each year, about 70 percent are over age sixty-five. For older people this highly prevalent occurrence is also one of the most painful. In a study of widowed people over age fifty, Dale Lund and colleagues found that 72 percent of participants reported that the death of their spouse was the most stressful event they ever experienced. Other studies of older adults have found that bereavement magnifies the risk of psychological disturbances, such as increased symptoms of anxiety, depressive symptoms, and major depressive episodes, as well as new or worsened physical illnesses, greater use of medication, and poorer self-rated health. These health complications, in turn, may result in more frequent use of health care services, such as visiting a doctor or receiving care in a hospital, thus making the issue of bereavement important in discussions of controlling health care costs. In addition, researchers have found that suicide and death in general are more likely to occur in the period following a significant loss.

This entry begins by addressing the concept of the "normal" grieving process and the various dimensions of which it may be composed. It then examines what are considered pathological reactions to loss, how these are related to and differentiated from the dimensions of normal grief, the rates at which they occur, and the extent to which these disorders overlap. Next is a discussion of the factors that have been found to influence whether a person will suffer a pathological bereavement response. Last is a review of the current pharmacological and psychotherapeutic treatments found to be effective in ameliorating bereavement-related distress.

Components of normal grief

What is a normal, or uncomplicated, response to losing a loved one? Due to the stressful nature of the event and the broad spectrum of grief manifestations that can result, there is no single, simple answer to this question. As outlined by Selby Jacobs, the array of common symptoms includes yearning for the lost person, preoccupation with the deceased, sighing, crying, dreams or illusions involving the deceased, searching for the lost loved one, anger, protesting the death, anxiety, sadness, despair, insomnia, fatigue, lethargy, loss of interest in previously enjoyable activities, loss of a sense of meaning, emotional numbness, nightmares, and being unable to accept the loss. Normal grief generally involves some subset of these features, with symptom intensities varying widely between individuals and over time.

In the form of a simple list, this collection of symptoms is somewhat bewildering. How are these emotional and behavioral responses related to one another? Are there sets of associated symptoms that tend to be exhibited as groups? Theorists have attempted to construct frameworks that draw connections between these manifestations in order to deepen understanding of the grieving process.

Stephen Shuchter and Sidney Zisook postulated that normal grief generally follows three stages. First, according to their model, there is a period of shock and disbelief, during which the bereaved person cannot accept that the loss has occurred. This gives way to an intermediate stage of acute mourning in which the individual is forced to confront the reality of the loss, resulting in increasing physical and emotional discomfort and social withdrawal. Ultimately, the person is able to assimilate the loss into the greater context of his or her life, and gradually returns to normal levels of functioning.

While this model is appealing for its simplicity, it is somewhat restrictive. By invoking uniform, sequential stages of grief progression, this framework cannot accurately describe a large percentage of the varied bereavement responses. Another approach, taken by Jacobs, is to look at the bereavement process as made up of multiple dimensions, or sets of symptoms, each of which can be present simultaneously, to varying degrees. As time passes, one dimension may replace another as the predominant grief manifestation, thus creating the appearance of stages but maintaining greater flexibility in the overall model.

Separation anxiety. Taking this approach, the question becomes What are the primary dimensions of grief? One of the most fundamental components seems to be a group of symptoms that have been labeled "separation distress" or "separation anxiety." This includes what Erich Lindemann has called the pang of grief— episodes of intense longing and yearning for the deceased, characterized by preoccupation with thoughts of the lost person, sighing, crying, and, in some cases, dreams, illusions, or even hallucinations involving the deceased. Behaviorally, this is manifested as searching for the lost person by seeking out places and things identified with that person, as if hoping to bring the deceased back to life. This searching behavior, often done unconsciously, ultimately meets with frustration, commonly resulting in another pang of grief.

The reason for such a reaction becomes more clear when we consider the concept of separation anxiety in the framework of attachment theory, which was initially developed by John Bowlby to explain how and why babies and children form bonds with their parents. Bowlby observed that young children exhibit pronounced "attachment behaviors," such as crying, touching, following, and calling, that serve to keep them in close contact with their parents or other protective individuals, known as "attachment objects." Bowlby hypothesized that these attachment behaviors came about, and were perpetuated in humans through evolution, because of the selective advantage such behaviors confer. Children who maintain relationships with parents and membership in social groups will be provided protection from predators, easier access to food, and improved ability to contend with competitors, all of which improve their chances of surviving to the age of reproduction. Thus, ingrained through evolutionary processes, attachment behavior is thought to be a "primary drive," hardwired into the neural circuits of the brain.

With this perspective, it becomes understandable why isolation from an attachment figure is a threatening situation that results in feelings of alarm, anxiety, anger, loneliness, and insecurity. This separation distress, which is defined as the reaction to the danger of losing an attachment object, is readily observable in infants and young children upon separation from a parent. While adults do not usually exhibit this behavior as frequently and explicitly as children do, the loss of a close relationship does result in the separation distress that makes up a component of normal grief, and in excessive reactions, or dysfunctional grief (described later).

Traumatic distress. Mardi Horowitz outlined two components of a traumatic stress response. The first involves intrusive symptoms aroused by a fear that the event will recur: frightening perceptions (such as illusions, nightmares), hypervigilance (always being "on the lookout"), startle reactions, feelings of helplessness, and insecurity. The second component, partly in reaction to the intrusive symptoms, consists of strategies for psychologically avoiding thoughts of the traumatic event: denial that the death occurred, dissociation (becoming detached from one's environment), emotional numbing, and avoidance of any place or thing that would result in painful memories of the event. Often, bereavement occurs in conjunction with an objectively traumatic event (e.g., natural disaster, war, accident). In such cases, the bereaved person may be traumatized by the event as well as by the impact of losing a loved one(s).

Depressive symptoms. It is generally acknowledged that some depressive symptoms are common in normal grief (e.g., sadness, despair, loss of interest in activities, significant weight loss or gain without dieting, insomnia, and fatigue). Full depressive episodes also occur secondary to a major interpersonal loss.

Pathological grief

It is clear from the above discussion that the manifestations of grief are manifold. Yet, if all of these variations can be seen as normal reactions to the loss of an intimate, then how is the pathological differentiated from the normal? First, this is done on the basis of the severity of the symptoms (their intensity and/or frequency). Second, duration is a factor. In normal grief there is a gradual reduction in symptoms, acceptance of the death, and reinvestment in new activities and relationships; when this process is prolonged, there is reason for concern. Third, to be considered a disorder, the symptoms must cause a clinically significant disruption in the bereaved individual's social, occupational, or other important domains of functioning. Finally, some symptoms are more rare and are found predominantly in pathologic forms of grief. The most common bereavement-related psychiatric disorders are considered below.

Major depression. When persistent and intense, the depressive symptoms present in normal grief can lead to a diagnosis of major depressive disorder. In addition to these symptoms, Jacobs and Paula Clayton have found that those suffering from major depressive disorder following a loss may experience hopelessness, worthlessness, low self-esteem, guilt, a slowing of movement, and thoughts of suicide. Since these symptoms are uncommon in bereaved people who are not clinically depressed, they seem to be key markers of depression following a significant loss. Studies have found that between 12 and 32 percent of widowed people are depressed in the first six months following the loss. A study by Carolyn Turvey and others found the rate of syndromal depression in the recently widowed to be nine times higher than that in married individuals. Furthermore, two years after the loss, the bereaved subjects were still more likely to be depressed than those who were married. Other studies have found that between 5 and 10 percent of widowed people are continuously or "chronically" depressed for at least two years following the loss.

Post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety disorders. A death that is perceived as particularly violent or unexpected may result in clinically significant levels of what has been described as "traumatic distress." Those experiencing these symptoms (e.g., reexperiencing the traumatic event with intrusive thoughts; avoidance and numbness in reaction to the trauma; hypervigilance or hyperarousal at cues related to the exposure) at high intensities and frequencies generally meet diagnostic criteria for posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and/or other anxiety disorders. More research is needed to determine whether the likelihood of developing PTSD following loss depends on the nature of the death (e.g., whether it occurred in a violent or unexpected manner) because available evidence on this is mixed. PTSD is less common than depression in the context of bereavement.

In addition to PTSD, other anxiety disorders are related to some symptoms of traumatic distress. Studies have found that up to one in four recently bereaved people may meet criteria for some anxiety disorder within two months of the loss. However, Paul Surtees found that these anxiety disorders rarely appear without concurrent depression, and resolve more quickly over time.

Traumatic grief. Until recently, there had been no diagnostic classification for people suffering from bereavement-specific symptoms, such as those associated with extreme separation anxiety (e.g., yearning and searching for the lost person). Motivated by the apparent need for such a diagnosis, a group of experts in the areas of bereavement and trauma convened in 1997 to examine this issue. The workshop reviewed a series of studies of independent samples of bereaved people and found that elements of separation distress and traumatic distress form a single cluster, and that this cluster is distinct from depressive and anxiety symptom clusters. This means that people who experience severe symptoms of separation distress also tend to suffer from certain symptoms of traumatic distress. In addition, this single cluster of traumatic and separation distress symptoms was found to persist for months or years in a significant minority of bereaved subjects.

Furthermore, these symptoms, unlike depressive symptoms, did not respond to interpersonal psychotherapy, either alone or in combination with the tricyclic antidepressant nortriptyline. Finally, these symptoms predicted substantial morbidity (e.g., suicidal thoughts, hypertension, increased smoking) over and above the level predicted by depressive symptoms. The evidence reviewed indicated that aspects of separation distress and traumatic distress seem to constitute a single, distinct disorder that merits its own set of diagnostic criteria. The panel participants discussed the symptoms that should be included in a diagnosis and, ultimately, proposed a consensus set of criteria for the disorder, which they called traumatic grief (see Table 1).

A diagnosis of traumatic grief requires meeting both criterion A (separation distress) and criterion B (bereavement-specific traumatization occurring as a result of the loss). Preliminary studies indicate that people experiencing a majority of criterion B symptoms to a marked and persistent degree can be said to meet this criterion. A 1999 study in the British Journal of Psychiatry found that four out of the eight criterion B symptoms tested were required for a highly specific (excluding those without the disorder) and sensitive (including those with the disorder) diagnosis of traumatic grief. Criterion C, specifying a minimum duration of two months, and criterion D, requiring clinically significant impairment, may serve to further differentiate the disorder from a normal, or uncomplicated, grief response. However, additional research is necessary to determine the optimal mix of symptoms, duration, and impairment required for a diagnosis. Studies have found that between 10 and 20 percent of widowed people who have lost their spouse within six months meet criteria for traumatic grief.

Comorbidity. Psychiatric comorbidity (i.e., the presence of multiple disorders) is common following bereavement. In a study by Gabriel Silverman and colleagues (2000), traumatic grief, PTSD, and major depressive episode were found to overlap with each other to similar degrees. Of those with traumatic grief, 47 percent also received a diagnosis of major depressive episode, 33 percent met criteria for PTSD, and 40 percent had traumatic grief alone (these percentages sum to over 100 because 20 percent of those with traumatic grief received all three diagnoses).

Traumatic grief has also been found to predict lower energy levels; lower levels of social functioning; higher rates of hospitalization and physical health events, such as heart attack, cancer, and stroke; lower self-esteem; changes in sleeping and eating habits; and heightened levels of thoughts of suicide.

Risk factors for pathological grief

To some extent, the severity of the grief experienced by an individual can be predicted, given the presence or absence of identified risk factors for maladjustment to the loss. Current knowledge about such risk factors is reviewed below.

Demographic characteristics. Younger people have often been found to experience higher levels of grief. This may be understandable, in part, because they are more likely to be mourning a death that is considered untimely. However, Catherine Sanders found that though this was true initially for younger widows, two years following the death they had made significant improvements in their mental health, while older widows, who initially had lower levels of grief, now had more anxiety, loneliness, and feelings of helplessness, and also had declined in physical health. This difference over the long term may be explained, at least partially, by younger widowed people's greater resilience and tendency to feel less vulnerable following the loss of their spouse.

Though women tend to report more symptoms than men, Colin Murray Parkes and R. J. Brown found that between two and four years after the loss, widows were no more depressed than married women the same age, whereas widowers were still more depressed than married men. It is hypothesized that the reason for this is that during marriage, men may be more likely to depend on a spouse for emotional support and social contacts. When this resource is no longer available, these men, not in the habit of meeting new people, often isolate themselves or throw themselves into their work. Women, on the contrary, are more likely to cope with the loss by seeking out social support that might facilitate the bereavement process.

Low socioeconomic status has also been found to contribute to poor bereavement adjustment, worse health, reduced social participation, and greater loneliness. Unemployment is also a risk factor for depression following bereavement.

Nature of the death. If the death is particularly sudden, unexpected, or violent, the bereaved person may be predisposed to a pathological reaction, particularly to elements of traumatic distress and PTSD. Similarly, experiencing multiple losses near each other in time, known as "bereavement overload," has been found to increase risk of psychopathology.

Nature of the relationship. If the bereaved person was highly dependent (emotionally, physically, or otherwise) on the deceased person, or if their lives were largely intertwined with shared activities (an "enmeshed" relationship), the loss will result in major disruption in the survivor's daily life. Feelings of purposelessness, loss of meaning, and a shattered worldview are likely to be prominent and contribute to a diagnosis of traumatic grief. One study (The Gerontologist, 2000) by Holly Prigerson and colleagues found that, following the loss of their spouse, people who had harmonious marriages used a significantly greater number of health services than those whose marriages were discordant.

The nature of the relationship is partly dependent upon the personality and "attachment style" of the bereaved person. Attachment disturbances, such as excessive dependency or insecure or anxious attachment, are likely to result in severe separation distress following the loss. Such disturbances are often established during childhood, when the ability to form secure attachments is learned. A study by Gabriel Silverman and others (2000) found that adversities experienced during childhood (physical or sexual abuse, death of a parent) were significantly associated with traumatic grief, while adversities occurring in adulthood (nonbereavement traumatic events and death of a child) were associated with PTSD. This suggests that there is a vulnerability to traumatic grief explicitly rooted in childhood experiences.

Social support. Lack of social support (i.e., friends or family who are available to provide emotional and practical help) has been widely cited as a risk factor for poor bereavement adjustment. However, Lund notes that simply having available family members is not enough, because such "support" can be negative (e.g., judgmental, inconsiderate, pushy, demanding, unreliable). Rather, only empathetic support, stable over time, appears to result in lower rates of depression and more positive ratings of coping, health, and life satisfaction.

Treatment

While there have been no randomized, controlled, clinical trials of treatment for traumatic grief, inferences can be made from studies done treating PTSD, separation anxiety disorder, and depression.

Pharmacotherapy. Considering a review of this literature done by Jacobs, it seems that selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors might be more effective for the broad range of traumatic grief symptoms than tricyclic antidepressants. The latter tend to affect intrusive, anxious, and depressive symptoms alone, while the former reduce these symptoms as well as manifestations of avoidance, particularly avoidance stemming from distress over reminders of the loss.

Psychotherapy. Though findings have been mixed, both psychodynamically oriented treatments and behavioral/cognitive treatments have, in some studies, demonstrated effectiveness in treating pathological grief. When addressing bereavement-related distress, it is important for the therapist to review the relationship to the deceased person and the circumstances of the death. In addition, the therapist should advise the patient on what to expect from the grieving process. Though as yet there is no treatment designed to specifically address the symptoms of traumatic grief, M. Katherine Shear and Ellen Frank are developing and testing one such therapy based on Edna Foa's treatment for PTSD. Continued strides in this direction are cause for optimism in the search for efficacious treatments for traumatic grief and other bereavementrelated disorders.

GABRIEL K. SILVERMAN HOLLY G. PRIGERSON

See also ANTIDEPRESSANTS; ANXIETY; COGNITIVE-BEHAVIORAL THEORY; DEPRESSION; WIDOWHOOD.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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BIOGRAPHY

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