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Political Thought

Renaissance writers and philosophers engaged in lively debates on questions of politics and statecraft. They wrestled with such fundamental issues as determining the best form of government and the proper use of power. In Italy, schools of political thought emerged in the mid-1300s that were inspired by ancient Greek and Roman texts. Italian political ideas spread into northern and western Europe from about 1450. Scholars in these regions developed their own theories, adding various legal and religious concepts to the Italian ideas. This process continued until the early 1600s, when new intellectual trends brought an end to the distinctive Renaissance approach to political questions.

ITALY

The development of humanism* in the 1300s influenced many Italian political thinkers. They studied the works of ancient authors, such as the Greek philosopher PLATO and the Roman orator CICERO. They also considered the benefits and drawbacks of the various governments—including republics* and monarchies—found in Italy at the time.

Civic Humanism. In the early Renaissance, humanists debated whether scholars should dedicate themselves to study or should use their wisdom for the public good by participating in politics. The Italian writer PETRARCH (1304–1374) argued in favor of a life of quiet contemplation. Yet, he noted that Cicero had played an active role in Roman politics. Petrarch believed that the prince* had responsibility for maintaining order in society. In his view, only a strong prince could guarantee the freedom and security of his subjects. Pier Paolo VERGERIO (1370–1444) echoed this idea, but held that wise men have a role to play in educating and advising rulers.

Many other authors viewed republican government as the best way to ensure the liberty of citizens. Writers such as Coluccio SALUTATI (1331–1406) and Leonardo BRUNI (ca. 1370–1444) thought that liberty came from active participation of citizens in the government and defense of the state. This idea came to be known as civic humanism. Scholars from Florence often pointed to the republican system in their city as an example of civic humanism.

Princely Rule. In the 1400s, the rise of the house of MEDICI led to the end of republicanism in Florence and ushered in an era of princely rule. Other major Italian states—except the republic of Venice—were also ruled by dukes, princes, and kings. For this reason, many political thinkers, such as Niccolò MACHIAVELLI (1469–1527) and Baldassare CASTIGLIONE (1478–1529) wrote about the characteristics of effective rulers and the role of courtiers and counselors.

Machiavelli's vision of government is based on the individual power of a prince or other ruler. In The Prince (1513) he argues that a ruler must be willing to defy ordinary morality, if necessary, to preserve the state. In his view, the prince must be ready to rule by fear rather than love and to focus on military capability.

Machiavelli preserves some aspects of republican thought in The Prince—claiming, for example, that princes should rely on citizen-soldiers rather than hired foreign troops. Moreover, in some of his other works he states that a strong republic has the best chance of success in an unstable world. However, he argues that even a strong republic depends on a balance between social forces for its survival. This balance ensures the liberty of all by limiting the dominance of any single group. Machiavelli's works, though influential, met with mixed reactions.

NORTHERN AND WESTERN EUROPE

As Renaissance ideas spread north of the Alps, political writers in northern and western Europe dealt with some of the same issues debated in Italy. By the mid-1400s, many diplomats and government officials in France, Germany, Spain, and England had acquired a humanist education. They applied this learning to the political situations of their own states and societies.

Christian Humanism. In some ways, northern Europeans placed more emphasis on religious issues than Italians. Humanist biblical scholarship, such as new translations of the Scriptures, encouraged this emphasis, which came to be known as Christian humanism. Writers such as the Dutch scholar Desiderius ERASMUS (ca. 1466–1536) considered many political issues in light of Christian belief. In Education of a Christian Prince (1516), for example, Erasmus points out that the Bible (Matthew 20:25–28) says the ruler should not be the lord and master of his subjects, but their servant. Erasmus states that a Christian prince has a duty to rule wisely for the common good, not for personal gain. He also condemns warfare and argues that political authority should be exercised to promote the well-being of the state's citizens, rather than to exploit* populations.

A celebrated example of Christian humanist writing is Utopia (1516), by the English writer Thomas MORE (1478–1535). The book describes life on the fictional island of Utopia, which offers a sharp contrast with the Europe of the time. More uses the story to criticize Renaissance society for its focus on warfare, lack of justice, and disregard for the poor.

Other Political Theories. Utopia inspired works by other English authors who proposed their own plans for reform. Thomas Starkey's Dialogue between Pole and Lupset (1535) defends the idea of an aristocracy*, claiming that members of the ruling class can learn to accept their responsibility to maintain order and protect the public good. Having lived for a time near Venice, Starkey admired the Venetian system of government and distrusted monarchs. However, because he wrote the Dialogue for an English audience accustomed to monarchy, he discussed the role of the king and included suggestions for restraining royal power. Starkey's book highlights one of the main concerns of Renaissance political thinkers: reconciling the ideas of republicanism with the widespread presence of monarchy.

Like Starkey, other writers of the early 1500s called for mixed systems that included a monarchy and limits on royal power. The French humanist Claude de Seyssel (ca. 1450–1520) accepted the need for a strong monarch, but he advised using religion, justice, tradition, and custom to control the king's authority. English author John Ponet (1516–1556) proposed a mixed monarchy in his Shorte Treatise of Politike Power. Thomas Smith (1513–1577), also of England, argued that while the king exercises final authority, he does so under the guidance and advice of Parliament, which serves to "consult and show what is good and necessary for the commonwealth."

THE LATE RENAISSANCE

Northern European political thought often drew on legal principles. It was also influenced by political and religious conflicts arising from the Protestant Reformation* and the Counter-Reformation*. These movements raised questions about sovereignty—the supreme authority in a state—and whether absolute power lay with the state or the church. Concerned about maintaining order in the face of religious and social divisions, some Europeans used "reason of state"—doing whatever was considered necessary for the public good—as the justification for policies.

Sovereignty and Reason of State. The French writer Jean BODIN (1530–1596) argued that, in any society, power must be located in a specific person or office—such as the monarchy—and firmly maintained. He believed that questions about authority were certain to undermine the stability of the state. In Six Books of the Commonwealth (1576), Bodin rejects the idea of citizen participation in government in favor of the sovereign power of the king. He sees a place for aristocrats and for citizens in carrying out royal policies, but not in formulating those policies.

Other thinkers focused on the concept of reason of state. The German writer Christoph Besold (1577–1638) took it to be the basis for a monarch's ability to overrule ordinary law. The concept of reason of state was also widespread among political writers in Italy, who defended the prince's use of extraordinary measures to defend the state. For many, these ideas were uncomfortably close to those expressed in Machiavelli's The Prince. The hardheaded practicality of Machiavelli's ideas aroused criticism, and many writers were reluctant to endorse them openly. As a result, theorists took pains to distinguish legitimate uses of reason of state from what was seen as the illegitimate use in the works of Machiavelli. Flemish* scholar Justus Lipsius (1547–1606) outlined several degrees of reason of state. These range from recommended actions and actions that might be tolerated to those that should be condemned. Others drew a line between justifiable policies that promoted the common good and policies based on a "false reason of state" that served the self-interest of the ruler.

Neo-Stoicism and Other Views. In the late 1500s, another school of political thought—Neo-Stoicism—emerged in northern Europe. Writers who adopted this philosophy include Justus Lipsius, Michel de MONTAIGNE (1533–1592) of France, and the Scottish humanist George Buchanan (1506–1582). Members of this group drew inspiration from some ancient Greek and Roman writers known as Stoics.

The debate over the relative merits of scholarly contemplation versus political participation surfaced again in the works of the Neo-Stoics. Lipsius lived in and wrote about areas of political conflict, but Montaigne deliberately removed himself from public life. In general, the Neo-Stoics took a realistic and accepting view of politics. Montaigne, for example, argued that laws gain force and must be obeyed, not because they are just but simply because they are the laws. Neo-Stoics also believed that citizens should accept the authority of their rulers, and rulers should be guided by true reason of state.

By the early 1600s other ideas were competing with Renaissance humanism. Meanwhile, new legal, political, scientific, and philosophical ideas appeared across Europe, based on the work of thinkers such as Hugo GROTIUS and Galileo GALILEI. Although these ideas arose from humanist roots, they marked the beginning of a new intellectual era.

(See also Constitutionalism; Government, Forms of; Humanism; Ideas, Spread of; Law; Monarchy; Philosophy; Princes and Princedoms; Representative Institutions; Utopias.)

* humanism

Renaissance cultural movement promoting the study of the humanities (the languages, literature, and history of ancient Greece and Rome) as a guide to living

* republic

form of Renaissance government dominated by leading merchants with limited participation by others

* prince

Renaissance term for the ruler of an independent state

* exploit

to take advantage of

* aristocracy

privileged upper classes of society; nobles or the nobility

* Protestant Reformation

religious movement that began in the 1500s as a protest against certain practices of the Roman Catholic Church and eventually led to the establishment of a variety of Protestant churches

* Counter-Reformation

actions taken by the Roman Catholic Church after 1540 to oppose Protestantism

Classical Roots

The main political debates of the Renaissance had roots in ancient Greece and Rome. Renaissance thinkers looked to the Roman authors Livy and Sallust to define the relationship between rulers and their subjects. Some later Renaissance scholars took as their guide the Latin historian Tacitus, who wrote about several of the most powerful Roman emperors. Although the circumstances of the ancient world and the Renaissance differed, states and citizens in the two periods faced many of the same political issues.

* Flemish

relating to Flanders, a region along the coasts of present-day Belgium, France, and the Netherlands